Business Level Strategies of Ashley Furniture

Business Level Strategies of Ashley Furniture Introduction of Ashley Furniture Ashley Furniture industries, Inc., founded by Carlyle Weinberger in Chicago in 1945 just as a sales operation, is a furniture manufacturing and distributing company, which headquartered in Arcadia, Wisconsin. Now the father and son team Ron and Todd Wanek own the company. Like many other furniture companies, Ashley Furniture Industries sells its products, such as home furnishing, accessories through two main distributions: one is independent channels; another is more than 400 Ashley Furniture Homestore retail furniture stores. All the stores are either owned by the company or licensed to other businessmen in North America countries, such as USA, Canada, Mexico, Central America and Japan. The mission to become the BEST Furniture Company reflects its proud past and shows the desire about future. And with over 60 years of innovation, creation and experience in the furniture industry, the company already became the leader in the industry which focuses on the quality of its furniture products. At present, the company has manufacture plants across the United States and Pacific Rim Countries, mainly in China. Business Level Strategies of Ashley Furniture One model can be used to give a full explanation of what happens in the real world at the level of the Strategic Business Unit and it can help identify those strategies which can be utilized to prevent the failure of business. The successful strategies can be illustrated as following levels: Low price/ low added value, Low price, Hybrid, differentiation without price premium and Focused differentiation. Low price/ low added value: providing lower price than it can be found elsewhere. Low price: based on a high volume with low margin product to bring cost leadership as its competitive advantage. Hybrid: Compete on price and seek to keep the margin by controlling the cost of products. Differentiation without price premium: Competition is principally on perceived benefits but not on price. Focused differentiation: Using unique qualities without substitution to get premium. The Strategic Business Unit chose for this research is the living room division of Ashley Furniture. According to what one of the Ashley Furniture Industries sales managers called Al Lopriore said, the business model of Ashley Furniture is different from other competitors, by establishing for over 65 years, the main business model of Ashley Furniture is the company design, build and deliver its own furniture, and the company is in control of all aspects to make sure the good quality. From the website of Ashley Furniture Industries, it can be seen from the homepage that the four cornerstones of its business models are quality, style, selection, service. They are all the foundations for Ashley Furniture making every decision and the guidelines and principles to help the company achieve the mission statement of being the best furniture company. Therefore, the main business model of Ashley living room furniture used to get competitive advantage is using Hybrid, which means by the methods such as outsourcing a series of its products from Pacific Rim countries to cut the cost of furniture and adding value to the products by quality, style, selection and service. Strengths and Weaknesses of Business Strategies The main strategy of Ashley living room furniture is Hybrid, which means that the division wants to compete other competitors on price and as well to control the cost of furniture to maintain the gross margin of the company. There are a series of advantages and strengths as follows: Strengths: Good price to attract customers: After the recession of economy crisis in 2008, the price of goods, especially furniture, become the main competitive advantage to attract customers to consume products on company. As the main reason that led to the economy crisis is the subprime lending which is related to the housing industry; and makes a drop in the sales of houses in North America, mainly in US. Although the recession had a negative impact on Ashley living room furniture, good price of its products keeps attracting the customers to purchase Ashley living room furniture. Variety of products: this means that based on variety of products, Ashley living room furniture is able to survive during the crisis. Even one product fails in the market, there are still other products succeed in the market to make up the loss that cost by the failure of that product. Besides, different kinds of products make those brand loyalty customers to purchase more and also increase the image of the brand. This helps the company achieve the mission of becoming the best furniture company in North America and even all over the world. Maintain the gross margin: Obviously, this technique assist the company to maintain the gross margin by controlling the cost of furniture. By using Hybrid strategy, the division still possesses the ability to control the cost of products. On the other hand, by adding more value through design, build and deliver the furniture to the customers, the products of Ashley living room furniture are still attractive. Weaknesses: Inevitably, there are some negative impacts by using this kind of business level of strategy, which can be identified as weaknesses. And the weaknesses of using Hybrid strategy are presented as follows: More funds spent on implementing the strategy: In order to supply and offer more furniture products to the customers, more funds will be spent on Research and Development, Design to find more solutions offered to the customers. Besides, the division possesses its own stores which cost much of its capital on investing in purchasing fixed assets, which may become a potential problem to the cash flow of the company. Competition of the similar products in the company: It can be seen from its website that the division provides more than 100 furniture products to customers to find out the most suitable furniture for their living rooms. Therefore, this results in the competition among the products within the same category. Although from some perspective, this attracts customers to purchase in Ashley living room furniture, it increases the competition in the products of the company, which can not be ignored. Lack of quality: It can be known that the products of Ashley living room furniture rely on quality and the mission of becoming the best furniture company in North America and even all over the world rely on quality; meanwhile, the business model of Ashley living room furniture depends on the quality of products. If the company concentrates on controlling the cost, such as the outsourcing price offered to those manufacturing companies in Pacific Rim countries, which may affect the quality of products of Ashley living room furniture. Then it will affect the paradigm of the division in the industry and then reduce customer brand loyalty. Report to the Board of Directors Dear Board of Directors: This report is a summary of the findings of the current research on the business level strategies based on the living room division of your company. And it will highlight the key information and findings; at the end, a couple of recommendations will be provided to help the division enhance the strengths and polish up the weaknesses. After analyzing the strategies used by your company, it can be viewed as Hybrid strategy. It do bring strengths to the division such as offering good price to the customers which helped the division survive during the recession of economy recession in 2008, offering different kinds of products which enhances the choice of customers, and the methods of controlling on the cost of furniture increase the competitiveness of the division. However, it brings a few negative impacts to the Ashley living room furniture. For example, it disperses the funds of the company to many different products; it also increases the competition among the furniture of the company, which is always ignored by many companies. The high intensity of cost control may affect the quality of products which will lead to a significant impact to the division. Therefore, Ashley living room furniture should pay more attention to this kind of issue and as well to enhance the strengths and polish up the weaknesses. The following will give a couple of recommendations. Enhance the strengths: Corporate with those plants in Pacific Rim countries. This means the Ashley living room furniture division collaborates with those plants in Pacific Rim countries. By using this technique, it is helpful for the division to control the quality of furniture. Besides, through collaborating with these plants, the division can share the information, knowledge and resources to achieve more competitive advantage to compete other competitors and make the mission of the company come true. Pay attention to the shipping cost. This is a significant part of the cost of the furniture, by outsourcing some products and manufacture at another side of Pacific Ocean, the division was charged a huge amount of capital on shipping cost. So it is necessary to use the strategy like preparing in South-east Asia, and assembling in US to cut down the shipping cost and then make the Ashley living room furniture more competitive. Polish up the weaknesses: Further design the products to differentiate them. The furniture needs to be design further and add more value functions to make it more attractive and valuable. By doing this, furniture can be classified to fit different size of living rooms, different kinds of decoration styles. Add TQM in Asia plants. Total Quality Management helps Ashley living room furniture to control the furniture quality and based on this, the division can have a vision of how the shipping furniture looks like; and based on this, the division can have an insight of the furniture quality to meet the customersà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢ requirements. Funds spent on those more value-added actions. Donà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã¢â€ž ¢t spend the money and capital on those non-value added processes, even those it is important to the division. In this case, it is better to outsource these processes rather than make it by the division itself. It is essential that the division pay attention to polish up the situation and make the products of the division more competitive and attractive. It is predictable that by enhancing the strengths and polishing up the weaknesses, it will accelerate the process of becoming the best furniture company in North America and even all over the world.

Paul Cezanne Essay -- essays research papers

PAUL CÉZANNE   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Post Impressionism, as the name would suggest, is the art movement that directly followed Impressionism. One artist, who led the Post Impressionism movement, was French artist, Paul Cà ©zanne. Much of his early work was pure Impressionism and, although he was introduced to the style and guided by Camille Pissarro, Cà ©zanne's works showed a distinctive uniqueness. Cà ©zanne broke away from Impressionism because of the lack of composition; he felt the desire to depict subjects in the third dimension as well as appearing flat. Cà ©zanne did not agree with the Impressionistic trait of portraying the world through light, instead, he built up images by a generous use of colour. Cà ©zanne would distort objects and his works would often consist of numerous viewpoints on the one canvas. Cà ©zanne worked with and was greatly influenced by other Impressionists he associated with, including Degas, Monet, Pissarro and Renoir. It was Pissarro who guided Cà ©zanne and convinced him to break up the colour and use shorter brush strokes when painting; among Cà ©zanne's friends, Pissorro was the only one patient enough to teach him. Cà ©zanne also admired Romantic painter, Eugà ¨ne Delacroix, who used colour instead of lines to define objects; this inspired him to endeavour his quest for composition using colour alone. Many aspects of Cà ©zanne's early works can be traced back to the compositions of Delacroix's works.   Ã‚  Ã‚  &n...

Introns And Exons :: essays research papers

Introns and Exons   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The finding of the Introns and the exons was one of the most significant discoveries in genetics in the past fifteen years. split genes were discovered when lack of relation between DNA sequences were seen during. DNA- mRNA hybridation. For all new mRNA, they must be transcribed by RNA polymerase enzymes. The transcription begins at the promoter sequence on the DNA and works down, thus the nucleotide sequence of the mRNA is complimentary to the one of DNA. In eukaryotes the mRNA is processed in the nucleus before transport to the cytoplasm for translation. In order for the mRNA to become true functioning RNA it must under go several stages of modification.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  At first, when the mRNA is produced, a cap is added enzymaticully to the 5 ¹ end of the RNA by linking a 7-methylguanosine residue by a triphosphate bond this is called the G-cap. The G-cap is necessary for translation. The subunit of the ribosome recognizes the G-cap and then finds the initiation codon to start translation. As the mRNA comes finishes transcription, the Poly A tail is added to the 3 ¹ end. As the two ends are placed the mRNA becomes pre-mRNA.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The pre-mRNA consists of splicing and non-coding regions. pre-mRNA molecules are much longer than the mRNA molecule needed to code for its protein. The regions that do not code for amino acids; aa, are scattered all along the coding region. The genes are split with coding regions, called exons, short for expressed regions; in between the exons the non-coding region called introns exist. Before the translation of mRNA the introns must be spliced off. Splicing is an complicated process for the cell. It must locate every intron in the primary transcript. An average mRNA consists of eight to ten introns, some even contain sixteen introns. exons, like introns are also spread apart. Some of their codons may be split by introns, so information for a single amino acid could be some distance apart. Splicing takes place in the nucleus but also could take place in the cytoplasm and the mitochondria. After the splicing of the introns, the G-caps and the Poly A tails remain on the mRNA.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  A single gene can code for multiple proteins by alternative splicing. A single strand was found to be coding for twenty different proteins, depending on how the exons are assembled. Different splicing combinations are regulated in t issue specific manner.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Most of the transcribed DNA are introns. ninety nine percent of the information contained in the gene transcript is destroyed when the introns are eliminated since exons are only translated.

Elizabeth Barrett-Browning and Virginia Woolf Essay -- Biography Biogr

Elizabeth Barrett-Browning and Virginia Woolf      Ã‚  Ã‚   I chose to compare and contrast two women authors from different literary time periods.   Elizabeth Barrett Browning (1806-1861) as a representative of the Victorian age (1832-1901) and Virginia Woolf (1882-1941) as the spokeswoman for the Modernist (1914-1939) mindset.   Being women in historical time periods that did not embrace the talents and gifts of women; they share many of the same issues and themes throughout their works - however, it is the age in which they wrote that shaped their expressions of these themes.   Although they lived only decades apart their worlds were remarkably different - their voices were muted or amplified according to the beat of society's drum.   Passages from Elizabeth Barrett Browning's Aurora Leigh can be contrasted with Virginia Woolf's portrayal of Isabella in The Lady in the Looking Glass: A Reflection.    The Victorian Era is known as the Age of Inquiry when all the foundational truths of the past were open to examination and reconsideration.   Despite this new desire for certainty, Victorians were slow to release the safety of the past - trying rather to meld the old and the new together and struggling with the mismatched pieces.   Modernists, on the other hand, rebelled openly and loudly against their past which resulted in an extreme sense of loss and instability - reflected in the works of the time.   Elizabeth Barrett Browning writes as one who is looking through a rain drenched window at a scene that is vaguely familiar but quite unclear.   She is attempting to remove the distortion to see what the vista holds.   Rather than direct analysis, Victorian authors often tried to offer a form of practical advice f... ...ted forth..." but, "Isabella did not wish to be known".   Not because she knew herself to be a fraud but because she was inexplicably complicated and the embodiment of contradiction - a truly modern woman.    Both of these women were intuitive authors who had deep messages to convey through their works.   Elizabeth was able to probe the perimeter of difficult issues while maintaining one foot on the firm ground of her upbringing and faith.   Virginia abandoned all to forge into the complexities of Modern thought and despite her bravery she was herself a victim of the despair that comes with a loss of moorings.    Longman citations   refer to page numbers of Eng 103 course text, Spring 2001: Damrosch, David, et al., ed.   The Longman Anthology of British Literature:   Ã‚  Ã‚   Vol. B.   Compact ed.   New York: Longman - Addison Wesley Longman, 2000.

Egypt’s Culture and Political System Essay

The Egyptian culture is considered one of the oldest cultures in human history. Surprisingly, it almost has some of gender equality except that it needs more to consider, in order achieving the third Millennium Development Goal, which talks of achieving gender equity/equality and women empowerment by 2015. I would recommend that the Egyptian constitution considers enacting and/or passing several legislations in favor of women and as well give recognition to the informal market sector, where bulks of the women are making meaningful contribution to the economy. I would also recommend that this ancient nation and culture acknowledges the home, where the men considerably have all the major decision making powers. I am of the conviction that women make sound and major decisions as well and can provide better and transformation ideas, realizing the remarkably undeniable work of the women of Liberia during the civil war. I believe that if our generation begins to identify the errors of past generations, relative to gender-related issues, and if we address those issues in more formal ways by beginning to give women their rightful places in society; ensuring that opportunities and privileges are equally and equitably distributed, our world can be the most enjoyable place even for generations unborn. In an effort to do this, we must begin with an identification of the problems as stated above, discuss them thoroughly as a way of enabling us to craft or design ideas that would amicably resolve them for the better of our general world, beginning with the Egyptian society. In Egypt the political system of policies and regulations of its political structure is based on its fundamental laws and practices. Most of which shows how the Egyptian government positions its power on the state and the society it governs. Egypt started out being a Republic adopting a democratic system. This system  defines the way i n which it uses its public authority. There are basically six parts to this system. The first is the constitutional system. There was a constitution of the Arab Republic of Egypt in 1971 that was used but then had a written amendment to it in 1980. The actual amendment had commonality in the English Common Law which came from the Napoleonic Code. It simply explains that Egypt declares it’s self as an Arab Republic with a democratic system. The second part is called the Executive Branch. The president is called the Head of State. The head of state is selected by a minimum one-third majority of the Majlis ash-Sha’ab, which is the â€Å"People’s Assembly. The People’s Assembly must approve by a minimum of two-thirds and have to be elected by a majority referendum. The election term is for six years with the possibility for re-election with conditional reasons for return. Putting into to play the general state policy is made up and supervised by the Head of State. He also rules the Armed Force. The last elected president of the republic was Mohammed Hosni Mubarak. The supreme executive and administrative organ of the State is the government; they are comprised of the Council of Ministers. This is ruled by the Prime Minister and he is the overseer of the work of the government. The highest part of the government is the Executive and administrative part of the Egyptian Republic is the Council of Ministers. The Ministers are together responsible for the policy and procedure of the State before the People’s Assembly, every Minister is responsible for the performance of his Ministry and is held to accountability to do so. The Parliament has great power as well. They have the power to withdraw confidence from the Cabinet or from any Cabinet member and leave them powerless. The fourth part of this system is the Legislative Branch. This branch of the Egyptian Parliament is a reflection in character and consists of the People’s Assembly, or Majlis El-Shaab and the Advisory Council or Majlis El-Shourah. â€Å"The People’s Assembly is the legislative branch of the State consisting of 444 directly elected members and 10 members appointed by the President, who serve for a term of five years. It has the power to approve the general policy, new laws, the budget and the development plans of the government. It also has the authority to undertake investigations and to levy taxes, besides appointing the Presidential candidate and passing a vote of no-confidence in the cabinet. The Advisory Council with 140 members, out of which 70 members  are nominated by the President, is Egypt’s consultative council. It offers advices and consultation and proposes to the Assembly new laws and regulations† (Haas, F. 2008). The fifth part of the system is the Judicial Branch. The Judicial branch System was brought into the country introduced into the country in 1854 and predicated on the English common law, Islamic law, and Napoleonic codes system to go through for four categories of courts of justice. Almost like the United States the highest judicial body is the Supreme Constitutional Court, the Court of Cessation. There are seven courts of Appeal in the various systems, and the Summary Tribunals in the districts are the principal court system in Egypt. It guarantees the independence of the judicial system. The fifth system is the Party of Power. This system is ruled on a multi-party system. â€Å"The Law 40 of 1977 regulates the development of political parties in Egypt. Though there is currently 17 active political parties representing various stands across the political spectrum, the law prohibits the creation of religious-based political parties in the state. Presently the National Democratic Party holds the majority of seats in the People’s Assembly† (History. 2012). The sixth system is the local government. This is headed by a Governor who is appointed by the President which is very different as to how they are selected in the US. â€Å"Egypt is administratively divided into 26 Governorates. Within their districts, local government units establish and run all public utiliti es, provide services and designate industrial areas. Working closely at various levels with local government is the Local Popular Councils. The basics: Egypt is a large, mostly Arab, mostly Muslim country. At around 80 million people, it has the largest population in the Middle East and the third-largest in Africa. Most of Egypt is in North Africa, although the part of the country that borders Israel, the Sinai Peninsula, is in Asia. Its other neighbors are Sudan to the South, Libya to the West, and Saudi Arabia across the Gulf of Aqaba to the East. It has been was ruled by Hosni Mubarak since from 1981 until February 11th†( Pew Research Center 2011, November 17). As to what is going on today in Egypt. There has been fierce protest in Egypt that has been promoted by the recent protests in which led to the fall of the Tunisian government as well as getting rid of longtime Tunisian dictator Zine El Abidine Ben Ali. The Egyptians have gathered momentum to get support of other protesters across the Arab world in Algeria, notably in  protesting their autocratic governments, high levels of corruption, and grinding pove rty. This is a big reason Why Egyptians unhappy and disturbed about the government. They feel they have no basic freedom than Tunisians. â€Å"Egypt is ranked 138th of 167 countries on The Economist’s Democracy index, a widely accepted measure of political freedom. That ranking puts Egypt just seven spots ahead of Tunisia. And Egyptians are significantly poorer than their cousins to the west† (Mislan, D. 2012). How did this all start? These protests started with the protests in Tunisia. Just like their Tunisian counterparts, â€Å"Egyptian protesters have pointed to a specific incident as inspiration for the unrest. Many have cited the June 2010 beating death of Khaled Said, allegedly at the hands of police, as motivation for their rage. But it’s also clear that the issues here are larger† (Prager, D. 2012). This seems to be complicated for the US more than Tunisia was. The â€Å"Tunisian regime was a key ally for the US in the fight against Al Qaeda. But the US government’s ties to Tunisia’s Ben Ali pale in comparison to American ties to Egypt. Shadi Hamid of the Brookings Institution, a centrist think tank, explains: Predictions that a Tunisia-like uprising will soon topple Egyptian President Hosni Mubarak are premature the Egyptian regime, with its well-paid military, is likely to be more unified and more ruthless than its Tunisian counterparts were. The U.S. is the primary benefactor of the Egyptian regime, which, in turn, has reliably supported American regional priorities. After Iraq, Afghanistan, and Israel, Egypt is the largest recipient of U.S. assistance, including $1.3 billion in annual military aid. In other words, if the army ever decides to shoot into a crowd of unarmed protestors, it will be shooting with hardware provided by the United States. As Steven Cook of the Council on Foreign Relations points out, the Egyptian military is â€Å"not there to project power, but to protect the regime (History. 2012)†. There was a movement started in Egypt called the Egyptian Movement for Change (EMC). It also has another name called, Kefaya which in English means â€Å"Enough†. This came about in 2004. Almost immediately its importance to Egyptian political life was recognized, though not understood. Both Egyptian and Western analysts have mischaracterized the movement. Interpretations have been too narrow, focusing on specific details and ignoring the movement’s broad vision, or too broad, mistaking Kefaya for a generic social movement in the Western mode. All such approaches fail to  appreciate Kefaya’s real contribution. This essay argues that Kefaya’s significance lies in its transformative potential as a broad political force that is uniquely suited to the needs of the moment in Egypt. It is at once a cross-ideological force that has the potential, in the long run, of creating a new mainstream and a movement of a new kind that is creating a distinctive and promis ing form of politics for Egypt. Egypt’s political system has reached a dead end in the early twenty-first century. The opposition political parties are locked in their headquarters, unable to communicate with the public. Virtually acquiescing to the siege of an arsenal of restrictive laws, these political parties have for years suffered from an increasingly diminishing membership, a lack of operational funds, and internecine internal feuds. The â€Å"illegality† of the Muslim Brothers (MB) has paradoxically liberated that organization from restrictions that come with governmental licensing. However, the ideology, posture, secrecy, and political tactics of the grassroots-based MB engender the mistrust of many political forces, including some Islamists. At the same time, the secularist-Islamist polarization hinders the possibility of reaching any meaningful consensus on critical issues. This blockage is not lost on the regime, the clear beneficiary of such divisions among its adversaries, and it does not augur well for the future of the brothers in a lead role in shaping Egyptian political life. Amid this political disarray, a new generation of Egyptians holds the promise for transforming politics in Egypt. They have found a home and an instrument in Kefaya and in the process have invented a new form of politics. Their innovations are historically grounded on the specifics of Egypt’s political life in recent decades. Unique Egyptian circumstances have shaped their experiences, aspirations, and vision for the future. With the seething political discontent on the one hand and the ideologically based mistrust and mutual exclusion among the political forces on the other, Egypt needs today, more than ever, a new form of politics that pulls together diverse ideas from across the political spectrum to forge a new national project. For more than a decade, a group of activists and intellectuals have interacted across ideological lines to reach a common ground. Kefaya emerged as one manifestation of these efforts and as an important illustration of the possibilities of this new politics.  While such collaborative work across ideological lines is not unique in democratic experiences around the world, Kefaya represents the first successful effort of that sort in modern Egyptian politics. This essay, based on primary sources, including open-ended interviews, statements, newspaper articles, and reports, as well as unpublished documents, is composed of three main parts. The first part explains in more detail the reasons why Kefaya has been widely mischaracterized; the second illustrates why and how Kefaya represents a new force with the potential of creating a new mainstream; and the third explores the new politics invented by Kefaya. There has been Misunderstanding Kefaya Since its early days, there have been various critical interpretations of Kefaya by politicians and intellectuals alike, at times citing deficiencies in the movement’s profile, actions, and approach, while at other times dismissing the movement outright as being a â€Å"foreign puppet† or the pastime of â€Å"a bunch of kids.† The most serious and widely noted critique of Kefaya is that it has been essentially a mere protest movement, targeting President Mubarak personally, without putting forward an alternative candidate or articulating a constructive vision for political transformation. The critique along these lines has gained more momentum since the 2005 presidential election. Because Kefaya’s main slogan expressed the rejection of a fifth term for Mubarak as well as the succession of his son, the argument goes that Kefaya lost its raison d’etre with the end of the election. â€Å"Except for rejecting the election results, symbolized by the slogan of ‘Batel’, nothing new was produced.† When Kefaya played a leading role in the formation of the National Front for Change on the eve of the subsequent parliamentary elections, it was criticized as passing the torch to the old opposition parties, the very same entities whose inaction it has been formed to face. (Haas, F. 2008)†.The EMC had been â€Å"dragged into sitting together with the leaders of the tamed opposition, instead of putting forward a demand for changing the electoral system.† While critics clearly question Kefaya’s contribution to Egyptian politics, even the more positive assessments of the EMC mischaracterize it. For example, the American Left sees Kefaya as the beginning of â€Å"the process of rebuilding an Egyptian Left crushed by decades of police oppression† and a reverse of its â€Å"political marginalization caused by the rise of political Islam (Haas, F. 2008)†. Some Egyptian analysts as well characterize Kefaya  as a â€Å"secular† protest movement and thereby implicitly expect its role to be the containment of the Islamists. Kefaya has been so widely misunderstood in the West as well as among the Western-educated elite in Egypt because of the reliance on Western social scientific classifications, notably the social movement literature, to make sense of a phenomenon emerging from the very different Egyptian context. This shortcoming is compounded by looking at Kefaya with an ideologically selective eye. While Kefaya has indeed demonstrated several of the characteristics highlighted in the literature on new social movements, it is neither single issue oriented nor concerned with identity two of the most important features of new social movements. Shoehorning Kefaya into a category derived from the experience of postindustrial societies obscures more than it illuminates. Nevertheless, the concept of the new social movement comes closest to capturing certain features of Kefaya. The movement is one of dissent, aiming in a constant and persistent endeavor toward the transformation of Egypt.4 It is a loose network of small groupings around the country. Like social movements, it aims at generating public attention and has emerged from a realization of the perils involved in conventional party politics in Egypt, marked by debilitating restrictions and dilemmas. In other words, Kefaya emerges out of realization that the institutional channels are neither neutral nor amenable to the demands for change. However, unlike conventional social movements and because of the specific necessities of the Egyptian context, Kefaya is not focused on a single issue. The same, incidentally, is true of the Islamic movement whose platform also embraces a range of issues. In addition to the breadth of the issues addressed by Kefaya, the movement is ideologically diverse. In this way, it differs from the Islamic movement. While the latter has a concrete ideology shaping its project, Kefaya goes beyond any single ideology to be the only movement in contemporary Egypt that emerged out of serious political interactions across ideological lines. Approaching Kefaya through the prism of the social movement literature, with its American scholarship emphasis on resource mobilization and political processes, blinds analysis to this distinctive feature, which is in fact one of the most important contributions of Kefaya to Egypt’s political life. There is concern about the momentum behind Egypt’s emergency law, and what it means for progress both the incredible progress that has already been  made and the equally incredible progress that has yet to be made. There is concern about the treatment and status of the Copts and other members of the Christian Egyptian minority. There is concern about the security of the Egyptian–Israeli border and about relations between the two countries in general. There is concern that the progress that has been made thus far could actually lead to a reversal of Egypt’s progress, should the freedom to elect lead to a government that constricts the freedom of the Egyptian people even more than we have seen over the past 30 years And the list could go on. Indeed, there is no shortage of things about which to worry. There is a fine line between worrying and believing. Similarly, there is a fine line between two, seemingly contradictory, truths: Some degree of discontent with our present circumstances is healthy and necessary, because discontent fuels progress; at the same time, being happy requires that we make a point of being happy wherever we are. There is a fine and difficult line between making the best of our current reality and not giving up. It is necessary to think through all possible outcomes, including the undesirable and even the remote ones. Both worrying and believing are the result of thinking. Worry and anxiety result from focusing on undesirable outcomes no matter how probable or improbable. Belief, on the other hand, is the result of focusing on the best possible outcomes again, no matter how probable or improbable. Whereas worrying fuels panic and skepticism, believing fuels faith and hope. Positive action rarely results from the chaos, fear, or feelings of scarcity that often accompany worry. Faith and hope lead to trust and courage; and trust and courage lead to positive, prosaically action. So, yes, there does seem to be a great deal to worry about right now. Even still, if there’s even the remotest possibility that believing instead of worrying will lead to continued progress, and then it seems to me that believing is what we have to do. Positive Psychology has been described by Martin Seligman and others as the science of what makes life worth living; of what is working for individuals, families, communities, and society more broadly. The Positive Psychology experiment with which we are now charged is to, together, choose belief over worry. At least between now and Egypt’s presidential election, let us together make a conscious, deliberate decision to focus on what is working and how it can lead to the best possible future for Egypt and for the world as a whole. References Mislan, D. (2012). Cross Cultural Perspectives. San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education, Inc. Haas, F. (2008). German Science and Black Racism–Roots of the Nazi Holocaust. FASEB Journal, 22(2), 332-337. History. (2012). Germany Country Review, 7-14. Ninkovich, F. (2001). The United States and Imperialism. Wiley-Blackwell. Pew Research Center. (2011, November 17). The American-Western European Values Gap. Retrieved fromhttp://www.pewglobal.org/2011/11/17/the-american-western-european-values-gap/ Prager, D. (2012). Still the Best Hope: Why the World Needs American Values to Triumph. HarperCollins.

Assignment #1:  Entrepreneurial Leadership

Assignment #1:   Entrepreneurial  Leadership A Company cannot be innovative and competitive without understanding the importance of leadership. There are three main points to identify leadership which are, having people to lead, having certain skills to reach company's objectives, being focused on and accomplishing goals. In being a leader one possess quality and empowerment. In relation to leadership in a company, three outstanding renowned leaders are, Victor Kiam, Sergey Brin and Larry Page Victor, Kiam, has been known around the world for his vastly flourishing advertising campaign as the man â€Å"who liked the Remington Shaver so much, he bought the company. † But Victor Kiam is much more than a TV spokesperson-he is the man who took a money-losing corporation and quadrupled its sales and turned it around. He is a classic example of a successful leader and entrepreneur. Kiam demonstrates the democratic leadership style, by not only creating a great company all by himself but allowing others input, in helping make decisions for the corporation. The approach to the major business principles of a profit-oriented entrepreneurial in relation to Kiam gives way to the role of entrepreneur being crucial and critical in the context of building the enterprise. He plays many roles linking human resources, finance, production, marketing, operations, research and development and overseeing the same with a broad and big picture. He networks with bankers, major clients, suppliers and others thereby ensuring smooth functioning of the enterprise. Kiam identifies the opportunity, builds the base and leads the organization by attracting and retaining the precious human resources. He usually looks at the niche areas and goes by the road less traveled. In the sense, in order to have the goal of providing a great product and to make a profit he looks for novel and innovative methods so as to try and work out his idea. Kiam is an innovator, creator, risk taker and leader. A successful entrepreneur is one who senses the opportunities constantly, manages the risk, collaborates effectively for building strong teams, raises the bar, learns from mistakes and failures and constantly innovates and pursues the project with passion till the end. Sergy Brin and Larry Page are known for co-founding Google in 1998, and redefined the way people use the web. Now two of the world's richest people, they still play an active role in the company, encouraging resh approaches to Google's unique culture and its expanding suite of services. One would say Brin and Page’s leadership style is characterized from the participative style known as democratic because both individuals are involved in the decision making process as well as working together to solve situations within the company. Many of the same principles that intuitively guide the collective innovation of the Renaissance are now being deliberately and sy stematically applied within the world’s fastest growing companies. Google as a company still aims to continuously innovate to find new ways to organize and present the information that its users say they need and want. New products like GoogleMaps, GoogleEarth, GoogleNews, GMail, and GoogleDocs continue to keep the company at the forefront of the field. Social Responsibility plays a main part in keeping a business running smoothly The founders of Google, Larry Page and Sergey Brin believe that it is incredibly important for people to have access to information around the world and that this is something that Google can deliver. They have run into issues with foreign governments over censorship, but recently it has not been a major problem. CEO Eric Schmidt predicts that Google will become an unintended central focus around global copyright and ownership legal issues. It is essential for the entrepreneurial leader that people is the most important resource to manage and the most effective to use. Focusing on people, knowing the ways to motivate, inspires, and enabling people to act is what brings the leader to a new dynamic market level. The entrepreneurial leader is to be passionate about what he/she is doing. Every process has to be challenging with a devotion of time and effort. All researches in entrepreneurship view entrepreneurs as innovators. And this is the only way to face increased competitiveness. Innovation today aims at obtaining dominance in a market. When it comes to Victor Kiam who is the most innovative of all US business leaders and who possess, salesman in his bones, he went beyond social responsibility within his company. When Kiam bought the company from Sperry Corporation, Remington it was a loss-making company it was America's dominant electric razor manufacturer. Every salesman knows, a pitch above all has to have the ring of truth. In its first incarnation, the Remington ad featured Kiam in a suit. He notice the unrealistic, he performed the commercial in a bathrobe, only to discover that most American men did not wear a bathrobe when they shaved so he decided to use a towel. As Kiam related in a speech accepting the 1988 Outstanding Business Leader award, â€Å"I draped a towel over my shoulder and covered one breast, as two breasts would have been too much for the American public. † A part of the leadership style of a person is something the person was born with and the other part is formed by multiple factors, such as, society, experience, working environment, and cultural differences. Taking all of these factors in consideration, my leadership style can be described as a combination of democratic leadership and transformational leadership. I believe I posses some of the democratic leadership style characteristics because I make sure my group members are encouraged to share their thoughts, I can lead people around me to better ideas and more creative solutions to problems. Group members also feel more involved and committed to projects, making them more likely to care about the end results. I know I can bring the best out of an experienced and professional team. With being a democratic leader I know it capitalizes on skills and talents by others letting them share their views, rather than simply expecting them to conform. If a decision is very complex and broad, it is important to have the different areas of expertise represented and contributing input this is where democratic leader shines. Research on leadership styles have also shown that democratic leadership leads to higher productivity among group members. Transformational leadership style is also a character I possess. I can create a clear structure of a task that needs to be done always tied together with rewards or punishments. In its ideal form, it creates valuable and positive change in the followers with the end goal of developing followers into leaders. I know that within myself I set the bar and others follow just like, transformational leadership which enhances the motivation, morale and performance of followers through a variety of mechanisms. These include connecting the follower's sense of identity and self to the mission and the collective identity of the organization; being a role model for followers that inspires them, challenging followers to take greater ownership for their work, and understanding the strengths and weaknesses of followers, so the leader can align followers with tasks that optimize their performance. I believe it is critical to use leadership power in a way that makes people depend less on the leader. Arising motivation and a sense of importance in followers plays an important role in leadership. Besides, the high competition and market perspective this makes me aspire after entrepreneurial leadership. The Small Business Administration (SBA) and SCORE are both useful resources for entrepreneurs. The SBA is set in place to provide funding and to provide entrepreneurs with information to assist in business operations. SCORE is a non-profit organization with chapters across the United States which has volunteers that either have been or are presently successful entrepreneurs and executives who give back by sharing their expert business advice. They provide an entrepreneur with a big range of priceless and unique to small business information, basic and general information, laws and regulations, statistics and researches are available to use in order to learn more and be a successful entrepreneur. Information presented and topics discussed make a process of opportunity searching much easier and less time and cost consuming. Furthermore, it has a live chat, blogs, and online advising system that help to find an answer or solve a problem. I will utilize the SBA to secure funding for my business. While the SBA does not make direct loans to businesses, it sets the guidelines for loans, which are then made by lenders, community development organizations, and other lending institutions. SBA guarantees that these loans will be repaid, thus eliminating some of the risk to the lending partners. The SBA also has a variety of training material on topics such as creating business plans, marketing and outreach, laws and regulations, and many other areas. The Small Business Administration will be instrumental in laying the foundation and funding for my business. SCORE will also be utilized to provide guidance and mentorship. I will utilize the expertise of SCORE’s volunteers to give me valuable input on best business practices, effective strategies for success, enthusiasm and support. SCORE also has an assortment of training material ineffective strategies to manage, grow, and finance, business. The Small Business Administration and SCORE both will provide assistance on the keys to creating an appropriate business infrastructure, keys to sustainability, and strategies for growth. If you were to create your personal principles of leadership, what would they be and explain why you would chose them. My personal principles of leadership consist of three elements, lead by example, have a sense of accountability, and inspire a shared vision. These principles are the most important components of leadership and are the essence of effective leadership. Reference page * ^ Victor Kiam Going for it! How to succeed as an entrepreneur, ISBN 0688060609 * ;http://investing. businessweek. com/research/stocks/private/person. asp? personId=376317;privcapId=26851117;previousCapId=26851117;previousTitle=Lia%20Sophia; * ;http://www. google. com/about/corporate/company/business. html; * ;http://www. sba. gov/; * ;http://www. score. org/;

Arguments Against Mandatory Voting Essay

Popular participation is often cited as one of the fundamental principles of democracy. The right to vote being a freedom that has, and continues to be, sought after by people all over the world. Despite the value of many political systems’ movement toward universal suffrage, the few countries that have confused the right to vote, with a requirement to, have arguably deteriorated the significance of this achievement. Australia is part of a considerable minority that implement obligatory voting laws, and of an even smaller subset that enforce them. Although the proponents of mandatory voting will be considered, the incompatibility of compulsory voting with implied freedoms, with broad theories of democracy and the overall inefficacy of producing a more engaged public, serve as perspectives that substantiate the notion that voting should no longer be compulsory in Australia. The Australian Constitution raises a number of questions about the constitutional validity of mandatory voting. Given this evaluation of an issue so pertinent to political rights, the implications of these challenges coming from a source as authoritative as this cannot be understated. The existence of a legal responsibility to vote can be perceived as incongruous with the implied freedom of political communication that was proved in Australian Capital TV v Commonwealth 1992 and recognised ever since. This inconsistency extends to the right to vote being proved as an implicit right in s7 and s24 of the Constitution, which, as reported by Dr. Anthony Gray, is an entitlement to vote that includes the freedom not to. Whilst advocates for the current system of compulsion may contend that voting is a civic duty, such reasoning can be seen as unconvincing as it fails to acknowledge that abstention is a perfectly valid form of political expression. Through an analysis of mandatory voting from a wider democratic perspective, the idea that compulsion is an infringement of free will becomes increasingly apparent. In addition to the obvious paradox that a democratic country forces its constituents to vote, a truly free nation should allow for the demonstration of dissatisfaction and make provisions for a refusal  to identify political beliefs. Although commentators in favour of compulsion may assert that the ability to provide an informal or ‘donkey’ vote facilitates this, the inefficiencies these contribute to as well as its inherent irrationality, given they are discounted, are persuasive arguments against such an opinion. Moreover, although there is a certain degree of legitimacy in the claim that obligatory voting serves to augment the democratic ideals of equality and participation, compelling a person to vote is ultimately, according to academic Katherine Swenson, antithetical to the concept of individual freedom. A common belief maintained by supporters of compulsory voting is that it creates a more politically active electorate. Whilst in theory this is conceivable, its practical limitations make the alleviation of indifference a distant reality. In support of this, a 2007 experiment conducted by Peter Loewen et al. in a Quebec election found that required voting had â€Å"little or no effect† on the knowledge and engagement of its participants. In the Australian context, despite the assumption that the problem of participation is solved by mandatory laws, in the last election around one-fifth of eligible Australians failed to cast a usable vote. It is argued that candidates and parties rely on these laws to get voters to the ballot. If this is the case, perhaps the solution is to abandon compulsory voting and thus force parties to organically incite a politically active populace through enticing and innovative policies. The dichotomy of democracy is that it demands both individual freedoms and equality. A great difficulty of modern politics has been the ability to strike a balance between these paradigms, and to determine at what point one must be truncated to enhance the other. Through an analysis of compulsory voting through a constitutional, democratic and practical context, it has become clear that such a regime has no place in a society that strives to exist as an epitome of democracy. The time has now come for Australia to abandon its paternalistic voting laws and entrust its political future with the voluntary voice of the Australian public, and not in a piece of legislation that commands it to speak. REFERENCE LIST/ BIBLIOGRAPHY: 1. Chong, D, Davidson, S & Fry, T 2005, ‘It’s an Evil Thing to Oblige People to Vote’, Policy (St Leonard’s NSW), vol. 21 no. 4, pp. 10-16. 2.Gray, A 2012, ‘The Constitutionality of Australia’s Compulsory Voting System’, Australian Journal of Politics & History, vol. 58, no. 4, pp. 591-608. 3.Hoffman, R & Lazaridis, D 2013, ‘The Limits of Compulsion: Demographic Influences on Voter Turnout in Australian State Elections’, Australian Journal of Political Science, vol. 48, no. 1, pp. 28-43. 4.Krishna, V & Morgan, J 2012, ‘Voluntary voting: Costs and benefits’, Journal of Economic Theory, vol. 147, no. 6, pp. 2083-2123. 5.Lever, A 2010, ‘Compulsory Voting: A Critical Perspective’, British Journal of Political Science, vol. 40, no. 4, pp. 897-915. 6.Loewen, PJ, Milner, H & Hicks, BM 2008, ‘Does Compulsory Voting Lead to More Informed and Engaged Citizens? An Experimental Test’, Canadian Journal of Political Science, vol. 41, no. 2, pp. 655-672. 7.Singh, S 2011, ‘How Compelling is Compulsory Voting? A Multilevel Analysis of Turnout’, Political Behaviour, vol. 33, no. 1, pp. 95-111. 8.Swenson, KM 2007, ‘Sticks, carrots, donkey votes, and true choice: a rationale for abolishing compulsory voting in Australia’, Minnesota Journal of International Law, vol. 17, no. 2, pp. 525-552. Gordon, SB & Gary MS 1997, ‘Cross-National Variation in the Political Sophistication of Individuals: Capability or Choice?’, Journal of Politics, vol. 59, no. ?, pp. 126-147. Hooghe, M & Koen,P 1998, ‘Compulsory Voting in Belgium: an Application of the Lijphart Thesis’, Electoral Studies vol. 17?, no. ?, pp.419-424.